In August of 1962 there was considerable talk in Washington, as well as San Juan, over the future of Puerto Rico as a nation. Was it to become a commonwealth? A State? An independent nation?
Before the spring of 1963 Puerto Rico will hold a political status plebiscite that will kick off Gov. Luis Munoz Marin’s grand design for the “culmination” of the island’s unique commonwealth status. On July 25, 1962. the 10th anniversary of commonwealth status, the White House released two letters exchanged between Munoz Marin and President Kennedy.
The governor’s letter revealed that he was going to call for a status plebiscite in which Puerto Rico will decide whether to continue as a commonwealth, to seek statehood from Congress, or to become an independent republic. The President gave the governor and his plebiscite idea his fullest support. The plebiscite has come as a shock to most of Puerto Rico. Although Munoz Marin and his brain trust have been working on the plebiscite plan since mid-1961, no one outside the brain trust had any idea that it would question the present arrangement. It was generally accepted that Puerto Rico under commonwealth status was changing smoothly from extreme poverty into one of the world’s most progressive communities.
Economically, Puerto Rico was indeed making giant gains. Per capital income rose from $318 to $621 in 10 years. “Operation Bootstrap” had attracted 850 new industrial plants to the island providing -populated Puerto Rico with 120,000 direct and indirect new jobs. Under commonwealth status, Puerto Ricans are United States citizens but do not pay federal taxes. But inwardly Munoz Marin and a handful of political leaders were increasingly concerned over defects in commonwealth status. The fact is that in 1952 commonwealth was tailor-made to Puerto Rico’s unique situation -that of an island too poor to be a state and not wanting to be independent. But Puerto Rico has undergone great economic and cultural changes and the commonwealth suit, which fitted so well in 1952, today has to undergo great repair or it will burst at the seams. The purpose of the plebiscite, Munoz Marin has announced, is to take commonwealth status to the summit of its potential growth. No longer, the governor insists, can we talk of the growth of commonwealth.
What Puerto Rico is after is the “culmination” of commonwealth. The purpose of Munoz Marin’s grand design is obviously not to conduct a polling of the Puerto Rican people as to which status they prefer- statehood, independence or commonwealth. For Munoz Marin to initiate such. a move would be meaningless since commonwealth already is a fact, and it is up to those who do not want commonwealth to initiate such a poll. In 1960 Munoz Marin said often that he would not invoke the plebiscite bill enacted that year because he understood that Puerto Rico already voted for commonwealth status in numerous elections.
The purpose of the grand design is to improve and thus perpetuate commonwealth. In his letter to the President, Munoz Marin made clear that commonwealth must grow or Puerto Rico’s world image as having surmounted colonialism will be tarnished. This plan will have the direct approval of not only the Puerto Rican people but of President Kennedy. Whatever part of the plan is approved by Congress will be brought back to the Puerto Rican people for referendum approval; whatever part of the plan is not approved at one session will be submitted at a new session. Very much like Hawaii went again and again to Congress seeking statehood, Puerto Rico will continue its battle until the “culmination” of commonwealth is complete. There are three fundamental faults with commonwealth status. Although the basic idea in creating commonwealth status was to have government by consent of the Puerto Rican people, the island is subject to a wide range of congressional and federal executive action. In addition, Puerto Rico has no voting representation 111 Congress and does not participate in the selection of the country’s chief executive.
Secondly, Puerto Rico has received many federal services without paying any federal taxes. As the economy of Puerto Rico grows this take-and-no-give setup becomes more intolerable to estadistas’ pride and Congress’ pocketbook. Thirdly, the exact relation between Puerto Rico and the U.S. is not defined. It is not clear if Congress still retains the power to rule over Puerto Rico unilaterally.
Here is an animated, and somewhat contentious discussion of the issues facing the Puerto Rican people later on in the Spring of 1963.
